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努斯鲍姆 | 男性气概书评

想当国师的哲学家  · 公众号  ·  · 2024-03-18 19:20

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努斯鲍姆:男性气概书评

本文作者: 努斯鲍姆
Intervent - Man  Overboard
Martha C. Nussbaum
CHAPTER  TWENTY-SIX

Man  Overboard

HARVEY  C. MANSFIELD    (2006), Manliness

I

Suppose a philosophi cal scholar—let uscallthisscholarS—with high standards, trainedinandfon dofthe worksof Plato and Aristotle, wished toinvestigate, fora contemporary American audience, the conceptof “manliness,” a concept closely relatedtoth eonethat PlatoandAristotlecalledandreia , forwhichtheusual English rendering is  “courage.”(Harvey Mansfield himself tells us that andreia  ishissubject.)How wouldthis scholar go about it?Well,followingtheleadofAristo tle, S would probably begin by layingoutthe variouswidespread beliefs about the topic,especiallythose heldbyre putable people. S would also considerthe opinionsof well-known philosophers. In settingdownalltheseopinions,S would be careful to getpeople’sviewsrightandtoreadtheir writings carefully, looking notjustforasse rtionsbut also for thearguments thatsupportthem.

Inevitably this welter of opinions would contain contradictions—not just between one thinker and another, but also within the utterances of a single thinker. People are amazingly able to live with contradictions, since most people do not stop to sort these matters out in the way that Socrates recommended. People also use terms imprecisely and ambiguously, so S’s inquiry would uncover much fuzziness and equivocation. Nor do most people most of the time, when theymake statements of the form  “Manliness is X,” pause to tell us whether they mean to say that X is a necessary condition of manliness, or a sufficient condition, or both, or neither. So S would have to sort all this out, too. (“Don’t use your feminine logic on me,” I can already hear my partner saying  teasingly in the background, as he typically does when words  such as  “necessary condition” are wheeled onto the stage.)

Carefully, S would set out the puzzles, untangling opinions like tangled strands of yarn. (Women do so well at logic, says Aristophanes’ Lysistrata, because they have all that experience detangling and delousing, whereas men, who are impatient creatures, just like to wave their shields around.) Finally S would try to produce an account that seemed to be the best one, preserving the deepest and most basic of the opinions and discarding those that contradict them. S would then hold this definition out publicly, inviting all comers to try things out with their own reasoning, and then accept the proposed definition or improve upon it.

Being a friend of the Greeks, S would naturally have curiosity about the cross-cultural aspects of this particular topic. It is evident that Athenians of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C.E. had rather different ideas about manliness from those of modern Americans. A lot of them thought that manliness naturally expressed itself in a preference for young men over women as sexual partners, and that the most manly of the gods, Zeus and Poseidon, enjoyed such lovers. Most Americans, even if they grudgingly grant that men in same-sex relationships are potentially manly, would shrink at the thought that Jesus or Jehovah had any such inclinations.Many Athenians, moreover, and even more Spartans thought that erotic attraction between males was a fine cement for a military combat unit—something that the American military is so far from thinking that it would rather not think anything at all about the topic. So S would investigate these differences, and these would naturally lead S to the copious  cross-cultural literature on manliness that by now exists: to the work of, say, Daniel Boyarin, on how Jewish males refashioned Roman norms of manliness, making the astonishing claim that the true man sits still all day with a book, and  has the bodily shape of someone who does just that; or to work on Indian conceptions of manliness, contrasting the sensuous Krishna, playing his flute, with the tougher norms of manliness recommended by the Raj. A scholar with S’s curiosity and love of truth would find in this material rich food for reflection. Harvey Mansfield’s credentials suggest to the reader that he will behave like S. He is a prominent political philosopher, recently retired from a chair at Harvard University, who has written widely about philosophical texts. He regularly taught a well-known class in the classics of Greek political thought. By his own account, the works of Plato and Aristotle are particularly important to him. Moreover, Mansfield has become famous as a defender of high academic standards and an opponent of  “grade inflation. ” He likes to excoriate his faculty colleagues for their alleged laxness and looseness.

It quickly becomes evident, however, that Manliness is not the book that our imagined S would have written. To begin with, it is slipshod about facts—even the facts that lie at the heart of his argument. He repeatedly tells us that “all previous societies have been ruled by males,” producing Margaret Thatcher as a sole recent exception. Well, one has to forgive Mansfield for not adducing Angela Merkel or Han Myung-Sook or Michelle Bachelet, since these female leaders won their posts, presumably, after his book went to press. One might even forgive Mansfield for not knowing about female heads of state in Mongolia, Argentina, Iceland, Latvia, Rwanda, Finland, Burundi, Bermuda, Mozambique, Jamaica,Nicaragua, Dominica, Malta, Liberia, and Bangladesh. Those are relatively small countries, and one would have to be curious about what is going on in them. But one can hardly overlook Mansfield’s neglect of the very newsworthy recent or current female leaders of New Zealand (Jenny Shipley, Helen Clark), Turkey (Tansu Ciller), Poland (Hanna Suchocka), Norway (Gro Harlem Brundtland), France (Edith Cresson), Canada (Kim Campbell), Sri Lanka (Sirimavo Bandaranaike, and now her daughter), the Philippines (Corazon Aquino, Gloria Arroyo), and Pakistan (Benazir Bhutto, a government major at Harvard who might have taken Mansfield’s class). And what might one say about Mansfield’s utter neglect of Indira Gandhi and Golda Meir, two of the most influential politicians of the twentieth century? Don’t we have to think, in the face of these cases, that his assertions are some sort of elaborate charade, a pretense that the world is  the way some audience would like it to be, whether it is that way or not?

So Mansfield is not overly concerned with fact. A few minutes on Google would have made these facts available to a minimally inquiring mind. Is he, then, at least concerned with logic? Only if his concern is to demonstrate, boldly, his disdain for it. After being confronted with a bewildering range of attributes of manliness—confidence, aggressiveness, protectiveness, independence, ability to command, eagerness to feel important, love of attention—we think that we are finally getting somewhere when Mansfield announces that his own definition of manliness is “confidence in the face of risk. ” We might have some issues with the proposal. Don’t brave people often feel afraid? Aristotle thinks they do, and rightly, for the loss of life is especially painful when one  has a good life. And what about risk? Doesn’t manliness also come into play in facing the inevitable, such as each person’s own death? And what sort of risk? Are we talking about the physical realm or the moral realm? Barry Bonds has  a lot of physical confidence while being (apparently) a moral coward. Socrates probably wasn’t up to much furniture-moving, and Seneca is always whining about his stomach problems; but both had the confidence that counts morally,when they stood up to unjust governments and went to their deaths. So the candidate definition—“confidence in the face of risk”—needs to answer a lot of questions. But at least it is something, a definite proposal from which we can move forward.

Imagine the shock to the feminine logic-loving mind, then, when within two pages the definition is, if not withdrawn, at least ignored, and quite different formulations, inconsistent with it, trot forward like eager children vying for attention. Manliness is aggressiveness, combined with promiscuousness in sex. It is the “brute spirit of aggression. ” It is not mere aggression, but only “aggression that develops a cause it espouses. ” It is “a claim on your attention. ” It is the “willingness to challenge nature combined with confidence … that one can succeed. ” “In the end aggression is all there is. ” It is “stubbornness added to rationality. ”

Mansfield does tell us that his definition will shift as he moves, in later chapters, “from aggression to philosophical courage. ” But these examples are all quite close together in the early portion of the text; and the later chapters do not supply a new, coherent, contradiction- free account. Things do not get better, then. Philosophers get mentioned more often, but are never emulated. We never find Mansfield even worrying about his mass of contradictions or trying to clean up the account. On the logical principle that from a contradiction everything and anything follows, I conclude that Manliness  says it all. Try that out on the back jacket.

As for the careful reading of other thinkers’ works that our friend S would recommend, such reading is nowhere to befound in these pages. Mansfield is horrendous when he reads  feminist thinkers. He gives us a hasty, superficial summary  of several bits of some early works (de Beauvoir, Millett,Greer, Firestone), but absolutely no sense of how any of these women argues, and no sense of what the women’s movement has produced since the early 1970s. (Cursory references to Carol Gilligan and to an exchange between Judith Butler and Seyla Benhabib do not tell us anything about the framework of their ideas.) Susan Okin is mentioned once in the text, and Andrea Dworkin is ignored altogether. (Catharine MacKinnon turns up in the bibliography.) By such  strategic omissions, Mansfield is able to hoodwink his implied reader into thinking that all feminists want to have a lot of sex without commitment, and that they ignore or denounce the family, and that they “do not worry about  violence in sex, and they do not refer to the respect in which one should hold one’s partner. ” This last is the most extraordinary claim of all. If any topics could be said to be absolute clichés of modern feminist thought, they would be the topics of sexual violence and sexual respect (treating a person as a person instead of as an object).

But never mind. It turns out that Mansfield is an equal opportunity misreader. Male philosophers get the same slipshod treatment. To mention a typical example, Mansfield evidently believes, and asserts with highspirited glee, that for him to require the reading of Mill’s On Liberty in his class at Harvard, a private university, is  “contrary to [the work’s] main thesis. ” He seems to think that Mill’s “harm principle” supplies limits on all human conduct, not just on the legal regulation of conduct: nobody can require anything  of anyone, including the young, unless that person is harming others. This “reading” flies so flatly in the face of Mill’s elaborate views about education, not to mention the plain meaning of the text of the fourth chapter of On Liberty, that one thinks with distress of this jokey aside being retailed to pseudo-knowing undergraduates almost as another example of manliness:  “See? I can teach Mill as a required text, thus showing that I have contempt for his main idea. ”

Indeed, when we compare Mansfield to our decent-if-not-very-flashy S, it seems appalling that Mansfield has spent decades teaching great philosophical texts to undergraduates who cannot easily tell a careful reading from a careless one, or low standards from high ones—especially when the teacher keeps portraying himself as the bold defender of standards.Undergraduates typically take a while to learn to analyze the arguments in Plato logically and to care about things like validity, ambiguity, and contradiction. Many of them, then, will not notice how riddled with logical error and verbal ambiguity their teacher’s pronouncements are. That is the sort of thing that they are in class to learn. But surely other, older people know. How did someone whose every  paragraph is a stake in Socrates’ heart come to be an exemplar of philosophical seriousness?

If the author of Manliness is far from being the patient philosophical type for whom we have been searching, who might he be? Plato’s dialogues knew the answer: he is a rhetorician or a sophist, one of those theatrical types so admired by the conventionally ambitious men amply on display as Socrates’ interlocutors. Far from seeking truth, the sophist seeks to put on a good show. Far from wanting premises that are correct, the sophist seeks premises that his chosen audience will find believable. Far from seeking analytical rigor, he offers a show of rigor in arguments that are riddled with ambiguity and equivocation and logical error. Far from submitting bravely to Socrates’ questioning, he slinks away when the going gets tough, or cranks up the volume in order to try to drown out the courageous voice of the truth-seeking philosopher. Audiences love him—because, says Socrates, he is like a clever cook: instead of promoting true health, he goes after what his audience will eagerly gobble up.

That is Mansfield to a T. In this book that repeatedly proclaims its own manly boldness, offering its author as a John Wayne of the intellect, he serves up a concoction that is contrived mainly to delight the conservative audience that already lionizes Mansfield as the hero of high standards, the enemy of grade inflation, and the foe of feminism. Mansfield’s daring physical prowess, he told a New York Times Magazine reporter, is displayed in his ability to move furniture around his house. His daring moral prowess is displayed in his ability to make speeches on the floor of the Harvard faculty opposing the creation of a women’s studies program, a risky feat indeed. Should average readers wonder whether this does indeed bring him into competition with John Wayne, or even with the questionable Barry Bonds, Mansfield does not care an iota, because he has his expected audience dead to rights. Readers of The  Weekly  Standard and National Review, they are already devouring the logic-free, ambiguity- riddled concoction he has served up and smacking their lips.

Mansfield’s intended readers do not care what modern feminism really says, and they know so little about the subject that they are likely not even to see how little of it Mansfield has described. From their youth they remember the chilling names of Millett, Greer, and Firestone, and they are sure that feminism cannot have had a thought since then. They certainly relish the tasty claim that sexual promiscuity is a central goal of the new feminism. And just to be sure that they are utterly delighted, Mansfield smears all over the top of his dish a thick layer of sneers and jibes, rather like anchovy paste, delicious to some but revolting to others— patronizing characterizations of women as harboring a “secret liking for housework,” or enjoying “the pleasurable duty of henpecking. ” Or this: “One has only tothink of Jane Austen to be assured that women have a sense of humor, distributed in lesser quantities to lesser brains. ”

At this point, I think, even some of the implied readers of this book might turn away. In fact, I suspect that Mansfield underestimates the care and the acuity of his chosen audience (or some of it) throughout his book.

II

Mansfield’s assertions (I cannot quite call them arguments) seem to be as follows. Manliness, the quality of which John Wayne (says Mansfield) is the quintessential embodiment, is a characteristic that societies rightly value. But modern feminism wants a society that has effaced all distinctions ofgender,a society in which men and women have the sametraits.This is a dangerous mistake,because manlyaggression,though not altogether reliable,suppliessomething without which we cannot have a good or stablesociety.(Mansfield connects manliness not only to militaryperformance but also to the ability to govern a nation,and,as we have seen,he denies that women who are not Mrs.Thatcher have this trait.)Since women are only rarely capable of manliness,a society in which both sexes have thesame traits will have to be lacking in manliness.We shouldreject this aim,and,with it,modern feminism.

The second half of the book contains,as Mansfield haswarned his reader,a more complex set of assertions,thoughthey all lead to the same bottom line.Taking TheodoreRoosevelt as his more complex icon of manliness,Mansfieldnotes that traditional John Wayne-style manliness is notnecessarily combined with virtue.Indeed,traditionalmanliness is often linked to a Nietzschean sort of “nihilism,”which accepts no restraints and desires to soar“beyond good and evil.”(This reading of Nietzsche,like somany readings in the book,is not defended by any close lookat an actual text.Is this the Nietzsche who prizes thedisciplined virtue of the dancer,who teaches that laisseraller;the absence of restraint,is incompatible with anygreat achievement of any sort?)Theodore Roosevelt,though,did combine traditional manliness with virtue,thus showingthat it is both possible and valuable to do so.

On the whole, however, men will allow the constraints of virtue to drag down their manly flights only if women insist on virtue as a condition of sex. So women’s non-manly inclinations hold men in check. This old saw, which one encounters over and over again in the writings of Leo Strauss’s followers, seems to derive not from a realistic look at life but from an opportunistic reading of Rousseau’s Emile, minus all Rousseau’s complexity and nuance. Rousseaushows clearly that the difference between Emile and Sophie is produced by a coercive regime that curbs Sophie’s intelligence and even her physical prowess—she would have beaten Emile in the race had she not had to run in those absurd clothes. He also demonstrated, in his unpublished conclusion to the Emile-Sophie story, that a marriage so contracted would be a dismal failure, since parties so utterly distinct in moral upbringing would be totally unable to understand one another.

But back to feminism. Feminism (exemplified in Mansfield’s book by a few carefully selected bits of early 1970s authors) wants women to reject virtue and to seek sexual satisfaction promiscuously. In effect, it teaches women to be as“nihilistic” as men. But women are doomed to dismal failure at this task, because their manliness is puny. Meanwhile, they will lose the hold they once had on men through modesty and virtue. They will therefore be more endangered: Mansfield actually asserts that a woman can resist rape only with the aid of “a certain ladylike modesty enabling her to take offense at unwanted encroachment”! (How does he handle the well-known fact that a large proportion of rapes are committed by men with whom the victim has already had an intimate relationship, or with whom she currently has  one?) Society, meanwhile, will come to grief. So, once again, the lesson is that we ought to rid ourselves of feminism.

Where to begin? Since in Mansfield all roads lead back tothe bogey of feminism, let us begin there. Modern feminism is a hugely diverse set of positions and arguments, but almost nobody has seriously suggested that gender distinctions ought to be completely eradicated. Indeed, much of the effort of legal feminism has been to get the law to take them seriously enough. Thus feminists have urged that rape law take cognizance of women’s unequal and asymmetrical physical vulnerability. Some courts had refused to convict men of rape if the woman did not fight her attacker. In one recent Illinois case, the conviction was tossed out because the woman, about five feet tall and less than one hundred pounds, did not resist a two-hundred-pound attacker in a solitary  forest preserve. But in a situation of great physical asymmetry, feminists have urged, fighting is actually a stupid thing to do, and in the Illinois case even crying out “No!” would have been stupid, given the extreme solitude of the place and the likelihood that shouting would provoke the  attacker to violence. (I take this example from the feminist  legal scholar Stephen Schulhofer. Mansfield utterly ignores the existence of male feminists, though they are many. Feminism is a concern with justice, not an exercise in identity politics.)

Feminists have also taken exception when insurance companies refused to offer pregnancy benefits and then claimed that they were not discriminating, because their policies protected all “non-pregnant persons” and refused to protect“pregnant persons,” male and female. Catharine MacKinnon made the valuable observation that sameness of treatment is not enough for the truly  “equal protection of the laws,” when there are underlying physical asymmetries that significantly affect women’s social functioning. The “equal protection of the laws” requires, instead, that society dismantle regimes of hierarchy and subordination. MacKinnon’s strategy was based upon existing law in the area of race. Laws against miscegenation had been defended on the  ground that they treat everyone alike: blacks cannot marry whites and whites cannot marry blacks. Yet the Supreme Court held that these laws violate the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, because they uphold and perpetuate “white supremacy. ” The denial of pregnancy benefits, MacKinnon argued, was like that, a regime of male supremacy.  The refusal to offer pregnancy benefits is now seen as a form of sex discrimination, thanks to feminist argument.

Feminists, then, have not typically sought a society in which there are no gender distinctions. They have challenged imposed and unchosen gender norms that interfere with women’s freedom and functioning—seeking clothing, for example, in which one can do what one wants to do and is capable of doing (not like Sophie’s absurd doll clothes). Anne Hollander has written eloquently of the way in which women have claimed the suit, that attribute of the successful man the world over, as their own, replacing with it those billowing petticoats that made women seem vaguely like mermaids, human on top and some hidden uncleanness below. But women’s suits never have been and never will be precisely like men’s suits—perhaps because women have better fashion sense, perhaps because color-blindness is a male sex-linked gene.

What feminists have sought above all is a society in which there are no sex-based hierarchies, in which the sheer luck of being born a female does not slot one into an inferior category for the purposes of basic political and social functioning. Just as society now refuses to discriminate on grounds of religion and race, so too it should refuse to discriminate on grounds of sex.

If we now consider the example of religion, we can easily see that nondiscrimination does not entail homogeneity. Indeed, the connection, if any, works in the opposite direction. Precisely because the United States does not have an established church, and refuses to discriminate politically on grounds of religious membership, people are extremely free to choose any religion they want, to make one up if they want to, or to have none if they want none. Wherever political privileges are attached to religious membership, this freedom, even if nominally protected, is not total: most people want to be in the dominant group, so it is not surprising that there are lots of Protestants in officially Protestant nations, and so forth. What makes the United States the most religiously diverse and colorful nation in the world (perhaps in company with India) is its firm commitment to nondiscrimination (which it also shares with India). Go and convert to Buddhism if you want, or to the newest sect of Pentacostalism. Be a Jew and do not feel pressure to convert to Christianity, as Jews always did in Establishmentarian Europe. Your political privileges will not be affected by your religious choices.

What non-discrimination means for gender difference is not yet clear, because people have only begun to experience non-discrimination. Using the religion analogy, however, we might predict that once gender is no longer a source of hierarchy and subordination, people will express themselves more and more personally where gender is concerned. Even now, some women wear skirts and others feel more comfortable in pants. Some wear their hair very short and others very long. More and more, form follows function. Women’s athletic clothes are not the same as men’s athletic clothes; gone are the bad old days when female runners had to wear an ill-fitting garment designed for the male torso. But they are suited to  running, which is what matters here; and the same garment is not suited to the office (whereas Sophie had to wear her modest housewifely clothes for running and studying and flirting alike).







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