For a dispute over a commercial contract, she said there are only two choices of dispute resolution: national courts or the “private justice” of arbitration. For international disputes, parties choose arbitration because they want a neutral process that does not take place in the courts of either country; decision makers with specialised knowledge; flexibility to tailor the process; confidentiality; and, above all, an enforceable award.
她说,对于商业合同纠纷,只有两种解决纠纷的选择:国家法院或仲裁的 “私人司法。对于国际争端,各方之所以选择仲裁,是因为他们想要一个不在两国法院进行的中立程序、拥有专业知识的决策者、量身定制程序的灵活性、保密性、以及最重要的,一个可执行的裁决。
After opting for arbitration, parties must choose between ad hoc or institutional arbitration, she said. The first has been around “since arbitration itself” and is the norm in places like Australia, Canada and India, with growing acceptance in China. Institutional arbitration is part of the modern history of arbitration, a key development in which was the creation of the ICC Court in 1923.
如果选择仲裁,当事人就需要在临时仲裁和机构仲裁之间做出选择。前者“自仲裁诞生”以来就一直存在,是澳大利亚、加拿大和印度等地的常态,在中国也日益被接受。机构仲裁是现代仲裁史的一部分,其中一个重要的发展就是 1923 年国际商会仲裁院的成立。
In ad hoc arbitration, only the tribunals and parties to the dispute are participants and are responsible for organising the process, Salomon said. Institutional arbitration has three defining features: proceedings conducted under pre-formulated rules; the participation of the body that has issued these rules; and the administration of the arbitration by that body as a contractual duty arising from a service contract with the parties.
萨洛蒙说,在临时仲裁中,只有仲裁庭和争议各方是参与者,并负责组织仲裁程序。而机构仲裁有三个显著特点:根据预先制定的规则进行仲裁;发布这些规则的机构参与仲裁;该机构基于与当事人签订的服务合同,作为合同义务方对仲裁进行管理。
She stressed, however, that arbitral institutions such as the London Maritime Arbitrators Association, the Federation of Oils, Seeds and Fat Associations, the UN Compensation Commission and the Iran-US Claims Tribunal all operate very differently, some of them on a non-permanent basis in the wake of specific events. Arbitrations conducted under their auspices may differ significantly, with far-reaching implications for the integrity of the process and enforceability of the award.
然而,她强调,伦敦海事仲裁员协会(LMAA)、油料种子和油脂协会联合会(FOSFA)、联合国赔偿委员会和伊朗-美国索赔法庭等仲裁机构的运作方式都非常不同,其中一些是非永久性的,只在特定事件发生后运作。不同机构主持的仲裁可能大相径庭,尤其在仲裁程序的完整性和裁决的可执行性的方面可能产生深远影响。
Later in her lecture, Solomon considered the expense of ad hoc and institutional arbitration, seeking to “debunk a pervasive myth” that the latter is more pricey because the institution has to be paid as handsomely as the arbitrators.
在讲座的后半段,萨洛蒙探讨了临时仲裁和机构仲裁的费用问题,想要“打破一个无处不在的误解”,即后者的费用更高,因为仲裁机构需要和仲裁员的报酬一样丰厚。
In fact, a study of ICC arbitration shows that institutional fees typically account for less than 2% of the costs of arbitration, while lawyers account for about 85% and arbitrators for 14%, she said.
她说,事实上,对ICC仲裁的研究表明,机构费用通常只占仲裁成本的不到2%,而律师费用约占85%,仲裁员费用占14%。
She argued that it is wrong to assume that ad hoc arbitration will be cheaper, as the lack of institutional support can lead to expensive delays. Fee negotiations with the tribunal to determine how much the individual arbitrators should be paid can also be “awkward and unfair” for the parties.
她认为觉得临时仲裁会更便宜的想法是错误的,因为缺乏机构支持会导致更高昂的延误。与仲裁庭进行费用谈判,以确定仲裁员个人应得的报酬,这对当事方来说也可能是“尴尬和不公平的”。
In India, she said, ad hoc arbitrators often charge on a per hearing basis, even if the hearing only lasts a couple of hours, and have no incentive to operate efficiently.
她说,在印度,临时仲裁员往往按听证次数收费,即使听证只持续几个小时,他们也没有动力去高效运作。
Institutional arbitration with an ad valorem fee structure offers “more certainty and predictability” as to the costs of arbitration and no risk of an arbitrator “padding their hours” to get more fees, she said.
她说,采用从价收费结构的机构仲裁在仲裁费用方面具有“更高的确定性和可预见性”,而且不会出现仲裁员为获得更多费用而“增加工作时间”的风险。