To the devil her due
为希拉里说句公道话
But there is a problem with that: Mrs Clinton’s analysis is basically sound. Had it not been for the uncontrollable “headwinds” she describes, she would probably have won, despite her shortcomings. Going into the election, she was up by six points; then Mr Comey intruded and her lead evaporated, as undecided voters recoiled from this clinching evidence of her perfidy. Of course, had she been a better campaigner, including on economic issues, she might have been further ahead. But that is harder to quantify; in fact, in the rustbelt states where she is thought to have lost the election, Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, she polled well on economic issues. There is also little reason to think a more populist message would have helped her there. The white, working-class voters who, continuing a decades-old-trend, went from Democrat to Republican in those states, wanted less immigration, not more handouts for immigrants (among others) to enjoy.
但是其中存在一个问题:希拉里的分析基本是合理的。尽管希拉里有不足之处,要不是那些被她形容成“墙头草”的选民们太难控制,她可能已经胜券在握。在选举中,她一度领先六个百分点;之后科米从中干涉,选民们本来就犹豫不决,再加上希拉里背信的证据确凿,他们便纷纷退缩,于是希拉里失去优势。当然,如果希拉里是个更厉害的竞选者,在经济议题上做得更加出色的话,她本可能领先更多。但是这是难以量化的。事实上,在希拉里不太看好的中西部州,比如密歇根、威斯康星和宾夕法尼亚,她在经济议题上的得票率反而挺高。即使采取更偏向平民的策略,应该也帮助不大。在这些州,原来支持民主党的白领阶层和工薪阶层投票者转向支持共和党,这是几十年来的大趋势。他们不愿意接受难民,更不愿意提供救济品给难民享受。