Urban Studies 每年投稿量为1000多篇，每年发表16期，共180篇论文左右。由于稿件量大，文章从接收到正式出版周期较长，因此编辑部会在稿件接收排版后的第一时间在网上发布论文全文 (Online First) 。“论文快递”栏目将同步推出网上刊登的最新论文，方便读者了解Urban Studies的最新动态，敬请关注！
本期为“论文快递”栏目的第二百七十四期，
将介绍
Urban Studies Online First中最新发表的四篇论文，和近期正式出版期刊中的一篇论文
。
主题包括行政模糊性对全球南方水治理的影响，中国城市化进程中地方政府虚拟平台与公民生活满意度的关系，城市数字邻里平台的不平等传播，围绕企业主义创意城市的争议，以及新加坡城市热岛的时空变化。
欢迎阅读。
Everyday practices of administrative ambiguation and the labour of de-ambiguation: Struggling for water infrastructure in Mumbai
行政模糊性的日常实践以及消除模糊的努力：孟买供水基础设施的斗争
Purva Dewoolkar（英国曼彻斯特大学；印度Pani Haq Samiti社会组织）
Deljana Iossifova（英国曼彻斯特大学）
Sitaram Shelar（印度Pani Haq Samiti社会组织）
Alison L Browne（英国曼彻斯特大学）
In this paper, we use the notion of administrative precarity to refer to the vulnerability and insecurity experienced by marginalised and disadvantaged groups as a result of their interactions with ambiguous administrative procedures. Using the example of water infrastructure administration in Mumbai, specifically the experiences of ‘Pani Haq Samiti’ – the ‘Right to Water campaign’– we formulate how administrative precarity and infrastructural violence intersect in transcalar practices of ambiguation in urban governance. We build on a nascent set of literature that illustrates how ambiguity in administrative processes is used as a tactic to avoid or deny the impacts of bureaucratic process of water and sanitation governance in Mumbai. We work through several examples of the ambiguous practices and paperwork involved in implementing the universal right to water in urban Mumbai with a specific focus on the challenges in non-notified slums. We demonstrate that the practices of ambiguation, are often entrenched in everyday interactions between citizens or activists and administrators on the ground. In enabling the continued withholding of water infrastructure these ambiguous bureaucracies create an administrative precarity and are thus constitutive to persistent infrastructural violence against marginalised groups. We show that everyday practices of activists and administrators provoke the labours of de-ambiguation as a pre-requisite to the implementation of infrastructural solutions to achieve the ‘Right to Water’ under administrative precarity. We call for more research on everyday practices of (de-)ambiguation, including highlighting the potentially transformative role that urban scholarship may take to support the labour of de-ambiguation.
本文利用行政不稳定这个概念来探讨边缘化群体和弱势群体在与模糊的行政程序互动时所经历的脆弱性和不安全感。以孟买的供水基础设施管理为例（特别是“Pani Haq Samiti”（水权运动）的经历），我们阐述了行政不稳定和基础设施暴力如何在城市治理的跨尺度模糊实践中同时出现。我们借鉴了一组新兴文献，这些文献阐述了行政流程中的模糊性如何被作为策略来利用，以避免或消除孟买的水和卫生治理中的官僚程序带来的影响。本文介绍了几个实例，关注在孟买市区实施普遍用水权过程中所涉及的模糊实践和文书工作，特别是未在册的贫民窟所面临的挑战。这些实例表明，模糊实践经常根深蒂固于公民或社会活动人士与当地管理人员之间的日常互动中。这些模糊的官僚做法使得供水基础设施的建设继续拖延，从而造成行政不稳定，并因此构成了针对边缘群体的持续的基础设施暴力。本文表明，社会活动人士和管理者的日常实践激发了消除模糊的努力，这是在行政不稳定的情况下实施基础设施解决方案以实现“水权”的先决条件。我们呼吁对（消除）模糊的日常实践进行更多的研究，包括强调城市学术研究在支持消除模糊的努力方面可能发挥的潜在变革作用。
Mumbai, right to water, administrative precarity, everyday practices of ambiguation, de-ambiguation, infrastructural violence
孟买、用水权、行政不稳定、模糊的日常实践、消除模糊、基础设施暴力
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980241283731
The physical and virtual presence of the local state and citizens’ life satisfaction in urbanising China
中国城市化进程中地方政府的实体和虚拟存在与公民生活满意度
China’s rapid and ongoing urbanisation has led to the expansion of the local state. The state, traditionally exhibited as physical institutions of government, has emerged virtually in recent years based on intricate network infrastructure systems, such as social media platforms. Scholars contend that a strong physical state infrastructure enhances government function and can increase citizens’ life satisfaction; in contrast, the state’s virtual presence is unlikely to exert a substantial independent impact because of its reliance on the state’s physical infrastructure. In this research, we calibrated innovative measures of the state’s physical and virtual presence. Combined with data from the 2018 Urbanisation and Quality of Life Survey conducted in 40 sampling sites undergoing rural–urban transition, we further assessed how the local state’s physical and virtual presence is associated with citizens’ self-reported life satisfaction in the context of China’s national new-type urbanisation. Our results, based on three-level mixed-effects regressions, indicate that the local state’s bricks-and-mortar institutions do not correlate with citizens’ life satisfaction; rather, the establishment of a web-based, cost-effective, transparent, and coordinated virtual presence is associated with a higher level of life satisfaction among citizens. At a time when the Chinese central government emphasises its commitment to ‘people-centred’ urbanisation, the findings offer insight into the strategies that local governments could employ to improve governance quality and enhance citizens’ well-being.
中国快速、持续的城市化导致了地方政府的扩张。传统上，政府被视为治理的实体机构；然而近年来，政府已基于社交媒体平台等复杂的网络基础设施系统，在虚拟空间中得以涌现。一些学者认为，强大的实体政府基础设施可以增强政府职能，提高公民的生活满意度；相反，政府虚拟形式的存在不太可能产生实质性的独立影响，因为它依赖于政府的实体基础设施。本论文提出了精确衡量政府实体和虚拟存在的创新指标。结合2018年在40个正经历乡村到城市转型的采样点进行的“城市化和生活质量调查”的数据，我们进一步评估了在中国新型城市化背景下，地方政府的实体和虚拟存在与公民自我报告的生活满意度之间的关系。基于三级混合效应回归，我们的结果表明地方政府的实体机构与公民的生活满意度不相关；相反，建立基于网络的、成本效益高的、透明的、协调的虚拟存在与公民更高的生活满意度有关。在中国中央政府强调其致力于实施“以人为本”的城市化之际，这些发现为地方政府面向提高治理质量、增进公民福祉的战略提供了见解。
China, life satisfaction, presence of state, subjective well-being, urbanisation
中国、生活满意度、政府的存在、主观幸福感、城市化
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980241285831
The unequal spread of digital neighbourhood platforms in urban neighbourhoods: A multilevel analysis of socio-demographic predictors and their relation to neighbourhood social capital
城市街区中数字邻里平台的不平等传播：关于社会人口预测指标和与邻里社会资本关系的多层次分析
Dietrich Oberwittler（德国马克斯·普朗克犯罪、安全和法律研究所）
Lisa Natter（德国巴伐利亚州刑事警察局犯罪学研究小组）
Digital neighbourhood platforms (DNPs) – also called online neighbourhood networks or neighbourhood social networks – are still a relatively novel phenomenon, and little is known about their actual reach among citizens and about neighbourhood conditions which foster or impede their spread. We consider DNPs as a digital extension of conventional neighbourhood social capital and analyse their spread in comparison with the latter using a recent community survey in two large German cities with a probability sample of 2900 respondents in 139 neighbourhoods. The analysis is guided by the scholarly discussion on the potential of DNPs to reduce current inequalities in the distribution of social capital. The results showed that 18% of respondents in Cologne and 12% of respondents in Essen have used DNPs. Multilevel analyses revealed a strong negative association of neighbourhood ethnic diversity with user rates, in parallel to the same negative effect on conventional neighbourhood social capital. It is therefore reasonable to assume that pre-existing inequalities in social capital are replicated by DNPs. On the individual level, the use of DNPs was less dependent on strong social bonds than on conventional social capital. Comparing respondents who use DNPs to those who do not, the former group proves to be socially more connected, more trusting and more satisfied with their neighbourhoods.
数字邻里平台（DNP），也称为在线邻里网络或邻里社交网络，仍然是一种相对较新的现象，人们对其在公民中的实际触及情况以及促进或阻碍其传播的邻里条件知之甚少。我们认为DNP是传统邻里社会资本的数字延伸，并利用最近在德国两个大城市进行的社区调查，对139个街区的2,900名受访者进行了概率抽样，分析了DNP的传播情况，并将其与邻里社会资本进行了对比。关于DNP所具有的减少当前社会资本分配不平等潜力的相关学术讨论为本文的分析提供了指导。结果显示，科隆18%的受访者和埃森12%的受访者使用过DNP。多层次分析显示，邻里种族多样性与用户率之间存在强烈的负相关关系，同时DNP与传统邻里社会资本同样也存在负相关。因此，可以合理地假设，DNP复制了社会资本中既有的不平等。在个人层面上，DNP的使用对强大的社会关系的依赖程度低于对传统社会资本的依赖。比较使用DNP和不使用DNP的受访者，前者被证明在社交方面联系更紧密，更容易信任别人，对其所处的街区更满意。
concentrated disadvantage, digital neighbourhood platforms, ethnic diversity, inequality, neighbourhoods, social capital
集中贫困、数字邻里平台、种族多样性、不平等、街区、社会资本
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980241286266
The entrepreneurial creative city and its discontents: The politics of art-led urban regeneration in Incheon, South Korea
企业主义的创意城市及其引起的不满：韩国仁川关于艺术主导的城市更新的政治
Se Hoon Park（韩国人居环境研究院）
HaeRan Shin（韩国首尔国立大学）
首次出版时间：
2024/11/14
｜研究论文
Abstract
The increasing occurrence of discontent and conflict regarding making creative cities across the globe has led scholars to pay significant attention to the political dimension of creative-city policies. This study, by exploring the controversy over the Incheon Art Platform, a warehouse-turned art space in Incheon, South Korea, offers a situated understanding of how the city government’s entrepreneurial approach to the creative city was resisted and reinterpreted by local civil society groups. Against the backdrop of enhanced urban entrepreneurialism and the rise of civil activism in Incheon, the arrival of the creative city concept has generated opposing interpretations of the role of art and culture between the city government and civil society groups. Given the state’s expansionist policy toward the cultural sector in the nation, the entrepreneurial version of a creative city was first resisted by local cultural actors along with government-sponsored artists and subsequently sparked an artist-inspired anti-entrepreneurism protest in the city. This paper demonstrated how the creative city became a subject of political struggle within the unique relationship between the state and the cultural sector in South Korea, thereby contributing to enriching global urban knowledge on making and remaking creative cities beyond the Global North.
在全球范围内，对建设创意城市的不满和冲突日益增多，这使得学者们对创意城市政策的政治层面给予了极大的关注。本文通过考察关于仁川艺术平台（韩国仁川一个由仓库改造的艺术空间）的争论，基于具体情境理解当地民间社会团体如何抵制和重新解释市政府试图实现创意城市的企业主义方法。在仁川城市企业主义不断增强，以及公民运动兴起的背景下，创意城市概念的提出，导致了市政府和民间社会团体对于艺术和文化的作用产生相反的解释。鉴于政府对全国文化产业的扩张主义政策，企业主义版本的创意城市首先遭到了当地文化行动者和政府资助的艺术家的抵制，随后在该市引发了一场由艺术家发起的反企业主义抗议活动。本文展示了创意城市如何在韩国政府与文化产业之间的独特关系中成为政治斗争的主题，从而对日趋丰富的关于在全球北方以外打造和重塑创意城市的知识作出贡献。
