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Leaving for the city:增进创新,还是拉大社会裂痕?| 双语免费试读

经济学人集团  · 公众号  · 国际 财经  · 2016-10-14 15:28

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50年前,美国企业开始把总部从市中心搬往郊区,如今,越来越多以科技巨头为首的公司正在搬回城市,享受其中“充满能量、活力,多元纷呈”的创新生态圈。但这股都市主义新浪潮也有反例,美国企业的迁徙本质上是“人以类聚”,进一步增强了已经在分裂美国的张力。今天带来熊彼特专栏《奔往城市》中英版本对照阅读,欢迎登录商论App获取更多双语原刊文章。



熊彼特

奔往城市

众多知名美国企业正搬往市中心


50年前,美国企业开始把总部从市中心转移至郊区。一些评论家将这种出走归咎于“白人迁移潮”——由于员工搬离犯罪愈加猖獗的城市,企业也随之迁往郊外。企业则自称是出于企业责任的缘故。他们在安全且靠近好学校的地方提供办公场地——美国加州大学伯克利分校的学者路易斯·莫辛格(Louise Mozingo)称之为“田园资本主义”。无论是什么原因,这都催生了一种新型公司总部:不是在矗立在大都市黄金地段的办公大楼,而是郊野上的绿荫园区。


现在,越来越多公司正搬回城市,其中最突出的例子便是通用电气。该公司于1974年搬出纽约市,在康涅狄格州的费尔菲尔德(Fairfield)打造了一个68英亩的办公园区,但如今又舍弃这田园办公地,搬至波士顿海滨由一排仓库改建的办公区。还有众多企业也是如此。芝加哥市中心吸引了数量惊人的企业从附近郊区或更远的地方来此设立总部,包括麦当劳、卡夫亨氏、摩托罗拉解决方案公司、波音公司,还有粮食巨头阿彻丹尼尔斯米德兰公司(Archer Daniels Midland)。网上零售商Zappos也从拉斯维加斯郊外的一座办公园区搬回老城中心。生物科技公司Biogen在2011年从马萨诸塞州剑桥市搬到波士顿郊外,一年后便搬回城里。许多科技公司都诞生于城市,舍此之外别无它途。推特和Salesforce公司总部均在旧金山市中心,杰夫·贝索斯(Jeff Bezos)则正为亚马逊在西雅图市中心建立一个偌大的办公园区。


支持城市的人们欣喜不已。“这好过举办奥运会。”《波士顿环球报》的专栏作家梁雪莉(Shirley Leung,音译)谈到通用电气回迁时说道。企业高管的口吻就像第一次读完理查德·佛罗里达(Richard Florida,一位热爱城市生活的知识分子)所著的《创意阶层的崛起》(The Rise of the Creative Class)的研究生一般。通用电气的首席执行官杰夫·伊梅尔特(Jeff Immelt)表示,“我们希望在这个大家有着同样抱负的生态系统里占据中心位置。”他还指出,波士顿吸引着“一批多元化、精通科技的劳动者”。安·克利(Ann Klee)正参与指挥通用电气到波士顿的搬迁工作,她表示,新的总部将不设停车场,为的是鼓励员工们使用公共交通工具。总部也没有安全门,鼓励公众走进园区。摩托罗拉解决方案的CEO雷格·布朗(GregBrown)称赞芝加哥市中心“充满能量、活力,多元纷呈”。


这股都市主义新浪潮真如被吹捧的那样吗?以美国之广大多元,不难找到反例:许多CEO依然看好美国南部郊区的前景。埃克森美孚公司正在休斯敦的郊区建造能容纳一万人的公司总部。丰田正将其北美总部从加州托兰斯(Torrance)迁至达拉斯郊区。这里面还包含获取税收和福利优惠的因素:在过去十年,郊区变得飘飘然,城中心变得更渴求。2015年康涅狄格州决定加征7.5亿美元的营业税,无疑削弱了通用电气留在康涅狄格州旧址的意愿。后来波士顿提供了估计为1.45亿美元的激励补贴,敲定了通用电气的迁入。


不过,美国老城市的某些方面显然在改变。得益于警力的增强及人口结构的变化,这些老城的犯罪情况较以往大有改观。2000年至2010年间,大城市的凶杀率下降了16.8%。如今,这些城市中心像磁铁般吸引着刚从大学毕业、还无甚负担的千禧一代。年轻专业人士再次夺回了从前犯罪横生的禁地,把“城市枯萎病”转移至郊区。通用电气认为,在波士顿聘用这些人士将有助公司把重点从硬件转移至软件,从卖产品转变为通过互联网提供服务。


但新的市区总部与旧总部大不相同,不单在于其开放式布局和时尚设计。新总部要小得多。企业往往让高级管理人员连同几百名数字技术员工搬到市区办公新址。搬回芝加哥城中心通常意味着精简规模:摩托罗拉解决方案的总部员工从2900人缩减至1100人,阿彻丹尼尔斯米德兰公司从4400人缩至仅70人。许多公司把总部分拆成不同的单元及职能部门,将其分布于各地,让大部分中层管理人员留在旧办公地,或者把他们迁至南部各州租金更便宜的地方。智库曼哈顿研究所(Manhattan Institute)的亚伦·雷恩(Aaron Renn)认为企业总部正分为两类:美国南部城市的老式“大块头”总部,以及在旧金山、芝加哥、波士顿这类精英城市中只有高管和数字精英的新型“行政总部”。


这表明,一切并非重现美国黄金时代那种广泛的城市繁荣景象。旧金山可能是未来的模版。其中心地区分为两类人的领地,一边是光顾素食咖啡馆的富裕年轻人,另一边是吸食霹雳可卡因、随地小便的流浪汉。老旧金山人因为城里的专业人士推高了房价而愤慨。而这些年轻专才生儿育女后也许又会开始担心学校质量和街区治安而不再钟爱市中心。


登上金字塔顶


如果想了解美国企业的迁徙模式,最佳读物并非上文提到的佛罗里达的著作,而是近期的一项研究——比尔·毕肖普(Bill Bishop)的《大归类》(The Big Sort)。该书认为,美国人逐渐按自己的职业及社会价值而聚居至不同区域。企业把精英职位分配到城市、将常规性职位分配在郊区的“总部革命”只是书中描述的归类过程的又一体现。企业的分解运作无疑是对资源的合理运用。但随着许多企业老板选择与广大美国人(包括他们自己的雇员)大不相同的办公地,分裂美国的那股拉力又进一步增强了。






Schumpeter

Leaving for the city

Lots of prominent American companies are moving downtown


FIFTY years ago American companies started to move their headquarters away from city centres to the suburbs. Some critics blamed the exodus on “white flight”, as businesses followed their employees out of increasingly crime-ridden cities. The firms themselves ascribed it to corporate responsibility. They provided offices in safe neighbourhoods and near good schools—one academic, Louise Mozingo, of the University of California, Berkeley, calls it “pastoral capitalism”. Whatever the reason, it created a new type of HQ: not an office tower in the pumping heart of a metropolis but a leafy campus in the middle of nowhere.


Now a growing number of companies are moving back again. The most prominent example is General Electric, which abandoned New York City for a 68-acre campus in Fairfield, Connecticut, in 1974, but is now swapping its bucolic site for a collection of warehouses on the Boston waterfront. There are legions more. Chicago’s downtown has attracted an impressive collection of HQs, from both the surrounding suburbs and from farther afield, including McDonald’s, Kraft Heinz, Motorola Solutions, Boeing, and Archer Daniels Midland, a food-commodities giant. Zappos, an online retailer, has moved from an office park outside Las Vegas into the city’s old downtown. Biogen moved from Cambridge, Massachusetts, to the Boston suburbs in 2011 only to return a year later. Many tech companies were born urban and couldn’t be any other way. Twitter and Salesforce are in downtown San Francisco, and Jeff Bezos is building a huge campus for Amazon in downtown Seattle.


City boosters are delighted. “This is better than hosting the Olympics,” says Shirley Leung, a columnist with the Boston Globe, of GE’s move. Corporate executives sound like graduate students after their first reading of “The Rise of the Creative Class” by Richard Florida, an urbanophile intellectual. Jeff Immelt, GE’s chief executive, says that “we want to be at the centre of an ecosystem that shares our aspiration”, and notes that Boston attracts “a diverse, technologically fluent workforce”. Ann Klee, who is helping to oversee GE’s move to Boston, says that the new headquarters will do without a car park, in order to encourage workers to use public transport. It will dispense with security gates and wants the public to come in. Greg Brown, the CEO of Motorola Solutions, commends downtown Chicago for its “energy, vibrancy and diversity”.


Is the new urbanism all it is cracked up to be? It is easy to find counter-trends, given America’s size and variety: many CEOs continue to see a future in the suburbs of the sunbelt. ExxonMobil is building a headquarters for 10,000 people in the outskirts of Houston. Toyota is moving its North American headquarters from Torrance, California, to suburban Dallas. There is also tax-and-benefits arbitrage going on: over the past decades, the suburbs have become complacent and downtowns have got hungrier. GE’s affection for its old home in Connecticut was no doubt weakened by the state’s decision in 2015 to raise business taxes by $750m. Boston provided an estimated $145m in incentives to secure the deal.


Still, something is clearly changing in America’s older cities. They are much less crime-ridden than before, thanks to a combination of better policing and demographic change. The homicide rate fell by 16.8% from 2000 to 2010 in big cities. Now these urban centres are magnets for millennials fresh from university and with few responsibilities. Young professionals are reconquering former no-go areas and shifting the problem of urban blight into the suburbs. Hiring such people in Boston, GE reckons, will help it shift its focus from hardware to software and from selling things to offering services over the internet.


Yet the new downtown headquarters are very different from the old ones, and not just because they are open-plan and trendy. They are far smaller. Often, firms are moving their senior managers to the city along with a few hundred digital workers. Moving back to Chicago’s centre has usually involved downsizing: Motorola Solutions’ HQ shrank from 2,900 to 1,100, and that of Archer Daniels Midland from 4,400 to 70. Many companies are deconstructing their headquarters and scattering different units and functions across the landscape, leaving most middle managers in the old buildings, or else moving them to cheaper places in the southern states. Aaron Renn of the Manhattan Institute, a think-tank, reckons that head offices are splitting into two types: old-fashioned “mass” headquarters in the sunbelt cities, and new-style “executive headquarters” of senior managers and wired workers in elite cities such as San Francisco, Chicago and Boston.


That suggests there will be no return to the broad-based urban prosperity of America’s golden age. San Francisco could be the template of the future. Its centre is divided between affluent young people who frequent vegan cafés and homeless people who smoke crack and urinate in the streets. Long-standing San Franciscans resent the way that the urban professionals have driven up property prices. And those young workers may fall out of love with the city centre when they have children and start worrying about the quality of schools and the safety of streets.


To the top of the pyramid


The best book to read if you want to understand corporate America’s migration patterns is not Mr Florida’s but a more recent study, Bill Bishop’s “The Big Sort”. It argues that Americans are increasingly clustering in distinct areas on the basis of their jobs and social values. The headquarters revolution is yet another iteration of the sorting process that the book describes, as companies allocate elite jobs to the cities and routine jobs to the provinces. Corporate disaggregation is no doubt a sensible use of resources. But it will also add to the tensions that are tearing America apart as many bosses choose to work in very different worlds from the vast majority of Americans, including their own employees.


拓展阅读

英雄企业灰飞烟灭的例子如今屡见不鲜,麦肯锡预测目前标准普尔500强公司中的75%将在2027年前消失。新技术让整个市场天翻地覆,挑战者能够比以前更快地规模化。但整合风潮中的大企业仍然拥有惊人的不可替代性,它们可能会很长寿。点击图片回顾《新寿星》




最成功的高科技公司已经在短短几十年内达到了庞大的规模,它们也已经将这样的规模转化为市场霸主地位和飙升的收入。世界上目前市值最高的三家公司都是科技公司,亚马逊和Facebook紧随其后排在第六和第七位。这些科技巨头已经离创业公司越来越远,而逐渐蜕变成传统的巨型企业。强者愈强的“赢家基本通吃”时代,全球商业的生态随之转变。点击图片回顾《巨人何以茁壮成长》




伟大的公司往往具有独特的文化和传统,以清晰的战略执行牢牢占据利基市场。但它们也有一些共通点,由此在一系列复杂的挑战中保持平衡和灵活。对人才与核心技能的执著,是“超级巨星”中常见的经营哲学。点击图片回顾《成功之道ABC》




曾任PayPal首席运营官的里德·霍夫曼(Reid Hoffman)发明了“闪电式扩张”(blitzscaling)一词来形容科技企业的成功之路,这个词源自德国在二战中率先发起的“闪电战”(Blitzkrieg)。高科技企业需要发现利基市场并尽快扩张,PayPal的联合创始人彼得·蒂尔(Peter Thiel)指出,几乎所有成功的创业公司都是从占领某个利基市场起步。点击图片回顾《来场闪电战?》




欢迎关注本周《经济学人·商论》发布的“解析大公司”系列报道,全面剖析 “赢家几乎通吃”的现代企业界,探寻曾经辉煌一时而后灰飞烟灭的“英雄企业”折射出的行业生态,思考在技术大潮中屹立不倒的超级巨星公司所拥有的特质,也通过美国公司的“返城潮”一窥企业资源再分配背后的社会张力。免费下载App,关注本周系列文章:

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