快，点击上方
蓝字
关注并置顶
这
个公众号，一起涨姿势～
卫报的这篇文章蛮好的，很多内容不舍得删，整体篇幅略长，耐心看哦～
上期段落匹配答案为：CBAFED
Current federal unemployment benefits
,
which allot an additional $300 per week on top of state benefits,
are set to expire
on March 14.
目前联邦失业救济金将于3月14日到期，该项补助是在各州福利的基础上每周再额外发放300美元。
插入句是修饰成分，但在翻译时也可以放到句子的另一个部分
前些时候，在美国首都华盛顿国家教堂当中敲响了钟声，因为美国新冠肺炎累积死亡人数已经超过了52万，但是与此同时，也暴露了美国很多深层次问题。
Five hundred thousand deaths can be hard to picture. But we have to try. Imagine, for instance, that everyone in Miami, Colorado Springs or Minneapolis died
in the course of
a single year. If that seems too absurd, combine the number of Americans who died in the second world war, Korea and Vietnam, then imagine that they too had been killed in a single year, on American soil.
很难想象50万死亡人数有多少。但我们必须试试。想象一下，例如迈阿密、科罗拉多斯普林斯或明尼阿波利斯的所有人在一年内都去世了。如果这看起来似乎太荒谬了，那么可以把二战、朝鲜战争和越南战争中死亡的美国人的数量加起来，想象在仅仅一年的时间里，他们在美国国土消亡了。
But such thought exercises only get us so far.
They help us understand the scale and speed of the coronavirus crisis, but not much else. In particular, they don’t help us appreciate the ways in which death has been unequally distributed across America, and how that has affected society’s response.
The disappearance of an entire city would affect a broad
cross-section
of society, while wars tend to unify the whole nation even as they kill mostly the young. But coronavirus is different, generating neither equal suffering nor equal concern. Instead, it
disproportionately
kills the elderly, the poor and racial minorities.
但是，这种想象的作用十分有限。
翻译划线句，长按文末小程序码打卡，答案下期公布~
整座城市的消失会影响到社会的广大阶层，虽然战争死亡的大多是年轻人，但是它往往会使整个国家团结起来。但新冠病毒不同，它既不会让所有人都承受同样的痛苦，也不会产生同等的关注。相反，它对老年人、穷人和少数族裔的杀伤力尤为重大。
These inequalities have shaped America’s response to the virus profoundly, with Republicans minimizing its risk and Democrats seeing it for the national emergency which it is. Republican
dismissal
of the virus has in part been due to the
tooth-and-claw
individualism that forms a key part of American identity, but it would not have been possible without something more. It has also been based on the idea that the dead were somehow expendable because of who they were.
这些不平等深刻地影响了美国对新冠病毒的反应方式，共和党人最大限度地弱化其风险，而民主党人则视其为国家紧急情况。共和党人对病毒不屑一顾，部分原因在于他们弱肉强食的个人主义，这是构成美国人属性的一个关键部分，但如果没有其他东西，是不可能形成现在这种情况的。它还因为这样的想法，即死者因为个人身份的不同，他们在某种程度上是可以牺牲的。
In 2012, Mitt Romney famously
lamented
the 47% of the population who he said could never be convinced to “take personal responsibility and care for their lives”. But the pandemic has shown that this gets the American problem precisely backwards. The real problem isn’t people who refuse to take responsibility for themselves, but those who refuse to take responsibility for others.
2012年，米特•罗姆尼曾对美国47%的人发出著名的感叹，他说永远无法说服他们 "承担个人责任，关爱自己的生命"。但疫情表明，这恰恰把美国的问题弄反了。真正的问题不是那些拒绝为自己负责的人，而是那些拒绝为他人负责的人。
What can be done about this 47%? In the short-term, not a great deal. There is little reason to believe they can be
won over
. Another lesson of the pandemic has been just how deep America’s divisions are – not even a deadly plague has brought together the two sides in what Biden has called America’s “uncivil war”.
对于这47%的人，我们能做些什么呢？短期内，能做的并不多。几乎没有理由相信他们能被说服。这场疫情的另一个教训是美国的分裂有多深——即使是一场致命的瘟疫也没有让拜登所说的美国“非内战”中的双方走到一起。
本文节选自：The Guardian（卫报）
发布时间：2021.02.23
作者：Andrew Gawthorpe
